Questions Abound

There is the presumed legitimacy of the invasion of Afghanistan; routing the Taliban for their support of al-Qaeda, refusing to relinquish their leader - Osama bin Laden, who admitted to creating the plot to gift the United States with 9-11 - on polite request. The United Nations and indeed the world at large, outraged at the murderous audacity of the catastrophe of the destruction of so many lives in the World Trade Towers, was willing to lend a hand to disrupt the activities and future intent of the al-Qaeda terrorists.

But Iraq? Where was the connection between the two? None, nothing to connect Sunni Baathist Iraq with al-Qaeda; their interests did not diverge, their agendas were wildly dissimilar, they had no truck with one another. But the invasion of Iraq did occur, the murderously tyrannical Saddam Hussein removed, and a storm of sectarian hatred and violence unleashed on an already-dispirited population. That sectarian antipathy that the presence of Saddam Hussein kept leashed through fear of his own brand of retaliation against order of his regime.

The sad reality is that not only is the incidence of violent suicide attacks continuing within the country, but during the course of the occupation foreign jihadists from other Arab and Islamic countries steadily infiltrated Iraq's borders to fight alongside - or against - their embattled Islamic brethren against the infidel. And in the Muslim world in general resentment and brutish fury built up against the blasphemous invasion of Muslim geography by Western troops.

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown insisted, when announcing his country's spring pull-out from the country that their departure gave sense to satisfaction gained from the assurance that they would be leaving Iraq "a better place" than it was when they had arrived. Certainly he made no mention of British forces' presence in Iraq having the effect of diminishing safety and peace in his own country. As a result of young Muslim men becoming furiously offended at Britain's role in occupying a Muslim country.

To the extent that young Muslims, born and raised in Britain, in their rage were vulnerable to the blandishments of clerical recruiters to Islamic jihad, and went abroad with the resolve to kill their own countrymen. And many others decided to just sit things out at home, and take revenge by bombing London's subway system and public bus transit. And others who planned to blow up night clubs and busy shopping malls. And clerics thundering death to Britain from their pulpits in British mosques.

And, lastly, young Iraqi men, medical professionals, taking their education in Britain, practising in Britain, conspiring to wreak wholesale death in that country to avenge their countrymen, hundreds of thousands of whom died during the past six years of invasion, occupation and battle against bitter dissidents and terror groups. However, the foreign invaders and occupiers, the last of which are now preparing to evacuate the country leaving it to its own divided recourse to justice and honour, feel complacent that they have done their job well.

Introducing democracy to a culture and a tradition that has never known it, and that will inevitably practise it in a manner quite adverse to its original introduction. And, like the resurgent hydra-headed Taliban, spreading itself throughout areas of Afghanistan thought previously cleansed of them, the Baath party is attempting to resurrect itself, to plan a possible coup, to restore itself to primacy in governing the country. What a surprise, just imagine, the dragon refuses to die.

If it becomes successful eventually, will another strong man emerge to further victimize the country? Will, on the other hand, the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council exert its authority eventually, and permit Iran to consume the sovereignty of Iraq? Or will the current government be re-elected, by the people, for the people, and become capable of instituting some measure of accommodation between the various sects, and advance peace?

Ask me a question and I'll tell you no lies.